Can we learn from public opinion half way around the world? I believe we can. This study examines the newspaper role in the formation of public opinion in Egypt, focusing on coverage of an air pollution crises that occurred in Cairo during the Fall 1999 – the black cloud. The news media became an active participant in providing information and analysis during the three-week pollution period
The role of Egyptian newspapers in the formation of public opinion,
ARAB-U.S. Association for Communication Educators (AUSACE),
Yarmouk University,
Irbid-Amman, Jordan.
A research paper presented by Peggy Bieber-Roberts, Ph.D.
2000
Introduction
This study examines the newspaper role in the formation of public opinion in Egypt, focusing on coverage of an air pollution crises that occurred in Cairo during the Fall 1999. The news media became an active participant in providing information and analysis during the three-week pollution period.
Because this is a study of Egyptian public opinion, we will examine the news media’s most important public role, that is to make the consensus among individuals visible and to convince audiences that as citizens they are part of a “public” that shares a common stock of knowledge (Robinson, p. 349). The mass media also simultaneously create and respond to pubic awareness and opinions (Janowitz and Hirsch, p xiii-xiv). In democratic systems of governance, “Individual opinions are aroused and mobilized into a collective force expressive of collective judgments, and that force is integrated into the governance of people (Crespi, p. 1).
“People are active, thinking, and feeling agents whose perceptions and understandings of the world in which they live are always subject to change as a consequence of how they experience an external world that is itself always subject to change (Crespi, p. 11). Collective opinion involving public affairs emerges and expresses itself through communication among individuals and through the intellectual sender-receiver relationship between mass media and the individual.
Public affairs, events, issues, and other items contemplated by the masses, are produced and presented by the media in the form of news and analyses. In democratic societies, free of government impediments, the mass media take a leading role in examining issues and discussions which are essential to the emergence of public opinion. Without the free press involvement in the public opinion process, the formation and expression of public consensus concerning vital issues is severely diminished.
In other parts of the world, public opinion shows another face, one also dependent on the make-up of the press. Egypt is one of these countries. This North African nation has a colorful press history going through periods of independence and government control throughout its colonial and modern history, culminating in former President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s nationalization of the press in 1960 (Napoli, et al, p,3-7). Former President Anwar Sadat removed censorship and other press restrictions but retained state control of media, saying that he believed in a free press but it must be a responsible press. (Napoli et al, p. 8). President Hosni Mubarak gave the press more freedom than did the Nasser and Sadat presidencies (Napoli et al, p. 8). Yet the press remains under government control by order of the emergency press law of 1981. The press operates under The Egyptian Constitution of 1971, which prohibits censorship, and Law 148 for 1980, which states that the press is an independent popular authority performing its mission freely in the service of the community (Napoli et al, p. 9). Press censorship persists in Egypt and the principal censoring organization is the Office of Censorship in the Ministry of Culture (Napoli et al, p. 9).
While the nation takes stutter-steps toward a more democratic society, the press today continues to operate under the watchful eye of the government. It is important to understand this uneasy relationship between the press and the government in contemporary Egypt in order to begin to understand the nature of the public opinion here.
In addition, the semi-official relationship between the press and the government coupled with the opposition party press, has resulted in an Egyptian media climate that is neither completely controlled nor completely independent. Thus, the press operates in a shifting political environment in its reporting of public affairs, issues and events — at times timid and at times bold in exploring a range of angles and views on important issues affecting the nation. Regardless of the government-press climate, government officials are the dominant sources of information in an emerging democracy like Egypt.
It is important here to note that speaking out on some public issues, particularly political ones, may be an occupational hazard for Egyptian journalists. News articles and opinions that are perceived by the ruling political elites to be critical of the political leadership, the religion, culture, among other sensitive areas is subject to harsh penalties, including hefty fines and imprisonment. Thus Egyptian newspapers are necessarily cautious about what their reporters and editors write.
Collective action, an important component of public opinion, is rare because government oversight mutes the public voice and expression on the street. This does not mean, however, that Egyptian opinion is silenced. As we will find out in this study, while a consensus of the masses may remain private, that form of opinion is a very robust concept indeed, thriving whilst weighted down by government control in this emerging democracy.
The issue
Living in one of the largest city in the world, an estimated 16 million Cairenes are confronted with ever-increasing environmental degradation. Air pollution in Cairo has reached crises proportions caused by overpopulation, industrialization and modernization of agriculture among other entities. Pollution hit a new high in the Fall of 1999 which gave Cairo the dubious distinction of being one of the most polluted cities in the world. A visible “black cloud” hung over the city for a three-week period during the end of October and early November.
Two Egyptian newspapers’ coverage of the environmental crisis offered a prime opportunity to examine the local press’ role in influencing public opinion in Egypt. How did they give the public a voice?
The Arabic newspaper in this study, the Al-Ahram, long regarded as Egypt’s most authoritative and influential newspaper (Britannica.com), was founded in 1875. The Al-Ahram currently has a readership of more than five million readers. It operates as a semi-official newspaper, which means it is financed by the government and its ruling political party, the National Democratic Party (NDP). With a tradition of journalistic excellence, independence and objectivity, the Al-Ahram‘s influence on informing the public is substantial.
The English language newspaper in this study is the semi-official government-financed Egyptian Gazette. It serves the expatriate population as well as Egyptians who are comfortable in the English language. Circulation is 33,000.
Under consideration is whether the news-editorial restrictions on the newspapers have relegated what should be an informed public consensus of an important public issue to the private domain, and what might be the implications of this action. While this study does not address audience views directly, we can look at the newspaper content to determine if the two newspapers failed or succeeded to provide Cairo citizens the information they need in order to speak out and/or take action, and to influence policy regarding the pollution crises that was affecting their health and well-being.
Public opinion and media audiences
Regardless of political systems, the news media set the news agenda for the public by offering repeated coverage and analyses of particular issues. Thus the news media are expected to instill a number of shared ideas among their audiences. In the process, the news media tell audiences what public events are important as well as what attitudes to assume toward those events (McCombs and Shaw, Spring 1995, 62).
Audiences however are not automatons, meaning that Egyptians, as in the rest of the world, are not merely passive “readers” of the media text. They interpret media imagery and messages, deriving their interpretations from their own cultural perspectives and reflecting on them according to their preconceived notions of the world. In this pollution study, what Egyptian audiences see and read is compared with their actual personal experiences rather than a more distanced mediated experience of a major event, creating a collective outlook that may or may not be compatible with mass media content. Thus, audiences’ views are socially constructed and dependent upon the knowledge, approval, prejudices, and resistances that audiences themselves bring to the media text. (Bieber-Roberts and Abela, 199).
Methodology
Ten issues of the Al-Ahram and 11 issues of The Egyptian Gazette were selected for analysis. These issues carried content relating to the air pollution crises for about three weeks from October 24 to November 7. Numbers of references in each article, editorial and column were collected for analyses. See Table 1, 2, and 3 below.
The two newspapers offered distinctly differing styles of coverage. The Egyptian Gazette’s coverage consisted largely of highly persuasive forms of writing — opinion columns and editorials, some of them borrowed from the Al-Ahram (16 opinion, 7 news). The Al-Ahram wrote mostly news articles (22 news articles, including 3 full pages, 7 opinion). Neither newspaper used “letters to the editor” as an expression of public sentiment, probably due largely to citizenry uneasiness at being singled out in a public forum.
Frame Analysis
A productive method of examining news media contributions to the public opinion process is to examine media packages using frame analysis. Media sociologist William Gamson, defined the media packages as individual parts, each representing a central idea that is supported by an array of complimentary and competing information and imagery (Gamson & Modiglianai, 1989, p.3).
According to Todd Gitlin (1980), “Media frames, largely unspoken and unacknowledged, organize the world both for journalists who report it and, in some important degree, for us who rely on those reports” (p. 7). Newspaper content in this study will be examined for evidence of framing, specifically the causes, effects, government plans, actions and failures during the pollution crisis.
The Al-Ahram and Egyptian Gazette, while using different editorial styles in writing about pollution, shared a common body of ideas. The main causes of pollution were first farmers, second garbage and third factories. The two newspapers also cited to government failure in its attempts to get a handle on the problem and the cause of the pollution. I will describe briefly the coverage of each area and later examine the pubic opinion implications.
___________________________________________________________________________________
Table 1. Number of references related to causes of air pollution in Cairo, Fall 1999
reported in the Al-Ahram and The Egyptian Gazette.
Burning rice, Burning Factories, Auto Weather cottonwood garbage ceramic,
cement
AA EG AA EG AA EG AA EG AA EG
Oct 25 24 4 3 1 1 1 1 2
Oct 26 8 4 31 1
Oct 27 13 13 9 2 7
Oct 28-Nov 7 25 18 6 9 5 5 3 2 1 3
__________________________________________________________________________________
TOTALS 70 26 53 9 15 5 6 3 10 5
___________________________________________________________________________________
Frame #1 Burning by farmers.
The first issues of the two newspapers immediately pointed to the Nile Valley farmers who have been burning rice straws and cottonwood stalks, as the cause of pollution. It received the largest number of references in the Al-Ahram‘s news articles and editorials (71) and The Egyptian Gazette editorials and news articles (29).
The Al-Ahram referred to the farmers in almost every issue during the three-week crisis period. Thus, from the beginning of the pollution cycle, burning of the rice and cottonwood remains were discussed. However, the Al-Ahram wrote primarily explanatory articles about the farmers, such as the fact that burning increases fertilization of the land (October 25, 1999, p. 3). The newspaper offered statistics — 2,671,000 tons of rice straw and 1,286,000 tons of cottonwood are produced each year (October 27, 1999, p. 3)
The Al-Ahram explained how the pollution crises occurs. Rising rice prices serve as an incentive for farmers to harvest rice in governates close to Cairo, which they later have to burn. One article pointed out the illegality of rice farming. Other articles pointed to the conflicting laws on burning between Ministry of Environment’s ban on burning and Ministry of Agriculture’s order to burn. It’s a no-win situation for the farmers, and the readers have no clear ideas as to the cause of pollution or why it cannot be solved.
The Egyptian Gazette was highly critical of the burning. The first issue in this study set the tone: “The black cloud, which triggered panic among Cairenes was a smoke billowing out from burning rice hays in Delta governate” (October 25, 1999, p. 3). The critical references to rice and cottonwood farmers continued througout the pollution cycle.
Frame #2 Burning garbage
Burning garbage in and around Cairo was the second most cited cause of the pollution (Al-Ahram 53 references and Egyptian Gazette 29 references). The Al-Ahram was not as kind to the garbage burning as it was to the rice and cottonwood farmers. Using interviews, the newspaper hammered home the message of citizen suffering: One Cairene said that “everyday, we lie in constant suffering form the burning operation that causes different illnesses to family members… caused by the smoke that fills the air day and night” (October 26, 1999, p. 3). Numerous references pointed to various areas of the city where garbage had piled up and where spontaneous combustion coupled with purposeful burning caused serious pollution. Again, the two newspapers failed to prioritize the violators.
Frame #3 Pollution by multiple causes
While almost all the news articles and editorials in both newspapers cited the burning of agricultural remains and garbage as the main cause of pollution, other causes were brought on board gradually as the pollution period dragged on. Pollution was attributed to factories of various sorts, particularly ceramic and concrete. Other causes were briefly referred to. They included auto emissions, hazardous waste, burning rubber and others.
_____________________________________________________________________________
Table 2. List of words referencing the pollution and effects on Cairenes in The Egyptian Gazette.
Suffocating Outrageous
Panicked Alarmed Cairenes
Apprehensiveness Imprisoned millions
Double whammy Knives out for farmers
Assaulting (smoke) Puzzle of the choking black cloud
Fears are lurking Rob Cairenes of fresh air
Life and death issue Intolerable evening assault
Fatal pollution factor Give Cairo lungs a break before it’s too late
Choking haze Cairo is sinking under a heavy cloud of pollution
Smog cloud shrouded Cairo Threat hovering over our heads
Choking mystery Sound alarm bells
Antagonized virtually everyone Red eyes
Breathing difficulties Coughing
_____________________________________________________________________________
Frame #4 Pollution effects on citizenry
Representing the voice of the people, The Egyptian Gazette was more likely to discuss the effects of pollution on Cairenes in a passionate manner. Numerous health effects were cited and discussed repeatedly. This set the “harmful to health” agenda. Representing the voice of the people in The Egyptian Gazette’s opinion page, language was highly descriptive, passionate and was intended to move the government to action.
______________________________________________________________________________
Table 3. Number of references to government failures and government proactive stances involving solution to pollution.
Government failures Government plans and actions
AA EG AA EG
Oct 25-Nov 7 32 20 52 28
______________________________________________________________________________
Frame #5 Government failure and problem solving
The Egyptian Gazette editorials were quite willing to point to government failings, particularly the inability of the Ministry of Agriculture and Ministry of Environment in getting a handle on the farmers. The Egyptian Gazette reported government failure to take action to solve the pollution crises. This dominant frame gave the public a sense of hopelessness, that the problems could not be solved. On the other hand, The Egyptian Gazette pointed to government plans and actions that could solve the problem across a range of pollutants. Thus, the newspaper offered Cairenes some hope, even as it pointed to the harmful effects of the oppressive pollution.
The Al-Ahram concentrated on problem solving, reporting on solutions offered by government officials and agencies, particularly the Ministry of Environment. This repetitive coverage supporting the government established a pro-government agenda and that should have given the public the sense that the pollution problem would be solved.
Discussion
The people’s voice.
The people’s voice in actuality was not largely present in the news articles and opinion pages of the two newspapers. In other words, the reporters and editors did not interview the public, with two exceptions of personal interviews in the Al-Ahram. Then how do people acquire a voice or bring their private opinions into a public domain? They did so indirectly and privately by making continuous telephone calls to the Al-Ahram newspaper offices, (October 24, 1999, p. 1). An ingenious public, the Egyptians are. They went directly to power centers — the press and the ministry. This proved to be an effective method of gaining a hearing in an “authoritarian” system where newspapers were operating under “censored” conditions. Both of these actions shielded them from public exposure, revealing how far or how reluctant the public is to speak out, even on issues of vital concern to them. The one outlet available to them, letters to the editor, contained only one or two letters, from non-Egyptians.
Responding to public awareness, the newspapers used caller comments and grievances as the foundation for showing the strength of despair on the part of the public. Thus, a powerful act of criticism toward the government, both direct and indirect was presented by the very newspapers that are under the control of the current administration. These dramatic opinions, attitudes and feelings expressed behind the scenes by the public and carried forward by the newspapers brought private opinion and consensus about pollution to the surface. It also corresponded with the Ministry of Environment actions.
Newspaper-citizen relationship.
The newspapers assess public sentiment, and in return the public seeks information from the newspapers. The Al-Ahram gave background information, facts, cited to influential sources, most often government sources. Thus, the Al-Ahram appeared to serve its public responsibly by offering the Egyptian people reasoned articles explaining the pollution crises and possible polluters. They created a somewhat informed public but how informed is a matter for future examination.
The public also looks to the mass media for confirmation of their thoughts and feelings on an issue of importance. The Egyptian Gazette gave them the confirmation with passionate editorials written on behalf of Cairenes, calling for a solution to the pollution crisis. Thus, the newspapers became the passionate voice of the people, who themselves were reluctant to articulate in public the crises they were experiencing. On behalf of the people, The Egyptian Gazette and Al-Ahram articulated the problem, its effects on the public and cried out for solutions.
Did the newspapers set the agenda?
Egyptian private opinion and attitudes acquired from personal experiences as victims of pollution were already present before the newspapers addressed the crises. Thus, it appears that the news media did not set the agenda. Rather, they assessed existing opinion, served as a source of information and reflected an agenda and consensus that most likely already existed in the minds of the readers.
Conclusion
The opinion process began with private opinions and attitudes of the people coalescing in a consensus but expressed privately as to harmful effects caused by an air pollution crisis in Cairo, Egypt, in the Fall 1999.
Thus, a climate of private opinion existed based on personal experience and personal dialogue. The consensus was not presented in a public forum by the people, i.e. there were no protests, letter-writing campaigns, interviews in the mass media, etc. Their discomfort, concerns and grief became public when the Al-Ahram published informative news articles and the both the Al-Ahram and The Egyptian Gazette represented public consensus in editorials and columns.
The Al-Ahram known for objective reporting cited to government sources, as well as local officials. In one article, the Al-Ahram quoted the public directly, but only on the effects of pollution, not on the causes, nor solutions or views of government success or failure. In this respect, the newspaper abdicated its role in providing the readers sufficient information to make informed suggestions as to how to solve the problem.
On the other hand, publishing three full-page articles on the pollution problem, it seems that the Al-Ahram did fulfill its role in bringing the issue before the public eye, explaining the problem from the perspective of citizen health, farmer dilemma, government concern, government action and government inaction. What was missing was robust coverage of the cause of the pollution and the reasons why the Egyptian government was unable to solve the problem.
The Egyptian Gazette, on the other hand, wrote highly persuasive editorials, taking on the role of the reader as victim in the pollution crises. Serving as a spokesman for the public, the editorials were designed to move the government to action. However, the editorials lacked reasoned solutions to the problem. The inability of the press to find the cause of the pollution resulted in the inability of the people and the newspaper to find solutions. The Egyptian Gazette relied largely on opinion not the rigorous reporting needed to gain this information.
Difficult and risky as it may be in a society under strong government oversight, in the final analysis, the newspapers might have done the pubic more good with thorough examination of the pollution crisis, reporting the pros and cons. It certainly would have advanced public opinion, brought in citizen input and governance in a participatory democracy, and it finally would have begun to bring a reluctant public out of the private into the public domain to be heard as a collective.
References
Bieber-Roberts, P. and P. Abela. (1999). From an island nation: Maltese perceptions of the U.S. In Y. R.
Kamalipour (Ed.). Images of the U.S. Around the World. New York: State University of New York Press.
Britiannica.com. (1999-2000) Ahram al-. Britiannica.com and Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc.
Burning cottonwood, rice straw and the mixture of compound gasses caused the smoke cloud. (October 25, 1999). Al-Ahram, p. 3.
Crespi, I. (1997). The Public Opinion Process: How the People Speak. London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers.
Gamson, W. A. & Modigliani, A. (1989). Media discourse and public opinion on nuclear power: Aconstructionist approach. American Journal of Sociology, 95. 3.
Gitlin, T. (1980). The whole world is watching: Mass media in the making and unmaking of the new left.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Janowitz, M. and P. Hirsch, eds. (1981). Reader in Public Opinion and Mass Communication, Third Edition. New York: The Free Press.
Napoli, J., H. Y. Amin, and R. F. Boylan. (1995). Assessment of the Egyptian Print and Electronic Media.
USAID Grant No. 263-0225-G-00-4043-00. Cairo, Egypt: Unpublished Manuscript.
Ragab, S. “Black cloud hanging over Cairo.” (October 25, 1999). The Egyptian Gazette, p. 3.
The farmers burn 16 milliards on a yearly basis. (October 27, 1999). Al-Ahram, p. 3.
The Secret behind the smoke cloud that annoyed the inhabitants of Greater Cairo. (October 24, 1999).Al-Ahram, p. 1.
The two Egyptian newspapers selected for this study are:
Al-Ahram, October 25-November 6, 1999.
The Egyptian Gazette, October 25-November 7, 1999.
